Tag: politics

  • Monthly Round-Up – April 2026

    Monthly Round-Up – April 2026

    This article is written by a DSA member and does not formally represent the views of MADSA as a whole or its subgroups. 

    Welcome to Vol. 9 of the monthly round-up! The content in this publication overlaps with our DSA newsletter and monthly General Membership Meetings. To sign up for the newsletter or check out an upcoming General Membership Meeting, visit: https://madison-dsa.org/events/

    Members Work Towards A May Day Success

    Photo from The Capitol Times, featuring Voces De La Frontera.
    MADSA members tabling at the Library Mall rally.

    Throughout the start of 2026, and especially in April, MADSA worked towards supporting a major economic blackout on May Day, with the goal of “No Work, No School, No Shopping!”. MADSA members planned a community pancake breakfast, wrote rally speeches, created signage, liaised with unions, attended coalition events and worker assemblies, and held many conversations with coworkers and loved ones around shutting down their workplaces in support of the historic day.

    May Day is International Workers’ Day, and in Wisconsin, it is also A Day Without Immigrants, organized for years by Voces de La Frontera. This year, Voces led the day with key demands around rights for immigrant workers and a just economy for all. MADSA supported by hosting a successful community pancake breakfast in the morning, and collecting over $2,000 in donations towards Voces’ work. Next, at 11am, there was a rally by UW staff and students, which joined up with a 12pm rally at Library Mall. At 1pm, the rally marched to the Capitol, where the crowd heard speeches and music organized by Voces and their allies. In a huge win, Madison Teachers Inc. (MTI) was successfully able to preemptively shut down Madison Metropolitan and Sun Prairie school districts by collecting enough signatures from staff pledging not to work on May 1. Students and teachers from West and East High Schools marched to the capitol during the day to join up with the main rally.

    The day saw roughly 3,000 attendees in Madison, with participation from MADSA, UW-Madison’s YDSA, a variety of socialist and communist organizations, and many unions in the area. Milwaukee also had a huge day of action, and gubernatorial candidate Fran Hong made stops to both cities.

    May Day 2026 reflected a sense of shared struggle and power among working class people, explicitly connecting with the long history of labor battles in the U.S. and around the world. As MADSA and other organizations continue to grow, workers will hopefully build towards a larger economic shutdown on May Day 2027, and eventually develop the solidarity and power required for a general strike.

    • The image shows protesters marching in State Street. Three people at the front of the group hold a wide banner that says Madison Area Democratic Socialists of America.
    • Image shows several rows of tables in a dimly lit non-denominational church space, filled with people listening to a speaker who is outside of the shot.

    For more May Day coverage, Voces de La Frontera’s Facebook page and Instagram have many photos and videos of actions all over Wisconsin. 

    MADSA Approves a New Office Space

    On April 26th, MADSA called a meeting to discuss the chapter’s need for a larger office to accommodate our growth in members and resources. Members held a small potluck, and formally approved a proposal to rent a larger office space, which also grants consistent access to a meeting space for our large monthly general membership meetings. More details will be shared once this is finalized!

    Members also reflected on the chapter’s relationship with the Social Justice Center, where MADSA currently rents a small amount of space. Members voted to continue renting the space, as part of our desire to maintain a positive and supportive relationship with the SJC. 

    Canvassing & Tabling for Endorsed Candidates

    Members and other volunteers have begun canvassing for Fran Hong and Juliana Bennett’s campaigns. There are opportunities to canvass in several Madison neighborhoods, as well as tabling at the Farmer’s Market each week. Juliana’s campaign will be having a weekend of canvass action on May 23 and 24. Sign up here!

    ICE Out Work Continues

    MADSA continues to coordinate information about trainings and events, and neighborhood group chats, via the Strike Out ICE hub, here

    Additional Organizing

    Other important efforts this month included the following:

    • MADSA had its first AfroSocialists/Socialists of Color Coffee Hangout at Qamaria Yemeni Coffee.
    • In the lead-up to May 1st, MADSA members showed up to the May Day Strong Solidarity School focusing on organizing tactics, as well as two Madison Worker Assemblies and a coalition meeting for event planning.
    • NoAppetiteForApartheid (NA4A) had a planning meeting for a summer film event.
    • The Comms Committee put on its first skills training, with the goal of building comms skills among chapter members. A comrade taught some key principles of graphic design. 
    • MADSA had a Powerpoint to the People event where members could share socialist education through short presentations.
    • MADSA continues to prepare for the Queer Liberation March, scheduled for June 13th. 
    • Southern Dane County Branch had their monthly meeting on 4/29.

    Social Events

    We continue hosting recurring social events. Currently, we have DSA 101, MADSA Run Club, and the Rosebuddies program on the calendar. May also features a board game night planned for 5/4, and a new reading club for Ursula K. Le Guin’s The Dispossessed starting Sunday 5/30.

    Protest Song of the Month

    In honor of the Day Without Immigrants and Voces’ organizing role in our community, I’ll be featuring two songs this month.

    First, a lament – ICE, El Hielo by La Santa Cecilia, heard here. The music video features several actors who are living in the US as undocumented workers. The song tells of three workers contributing to the economy while living under the oppressive fear and restrictions that come with being undocumented.

    Next, for something higher energy – La Cumbia De La Migra by Los Jornaleros del Norte, a protest band proudly consisting of day-laborers. This song is ICE Out in purest form!

    And that concludes our monthly round-up!

  • Monthly Round-Up – March 2026

    Monthly Round-Up – March 2026

    This article is written by a DSA member and does not formally represent the views of MADSA as a whole or its subgroups. 

    Welcome to Vol. 8 of the monthly round-up! The content in this publication overlaps significantly with our DSA newsletter and monthly General Membership Meetings. To sign up for the newsletter or check out an upcoming General Membership Meeting, visit: https://madison-dsa.org/events/

    This photo depicts approximately 40 Madison DSA convention attendees with their fists raised. They are in a room with wood paneled walls.

    MADSA Annual Convention a Success

    The chapter held our annual convention on the evening of Friday March 20th and the full day of Saturday, March 21st. MADSA members elected new leadership for the coming year, voted to continue many working groups, and debated and passed resolutions that will shape how the chapter does its work this year and beyond. Below are 3 key themes from this year’s convention.

    1. Organizing Everyday People, Especially Labor

    This convention passed several exciting proposals around mobilizing everyday worker power. One was a major resolution setting clear goals around a “rank and file” worker organizing strategy. In short, key goals include: increasing organizing discussions in people’s unionized and non-unionized workplaces; taking specific actions to help existing unions become more active and socialist; taking steps towards a mass labor action on May 1, and building further potential for mass labor actions; and leveraging MADSA’s worker power for building new unions, pulling existing union members towards socialism, and building coalitions within and between unions. The resolution emphasizes a move away from convincing formal labor leadership, and towards supporting rank-and-file workers in taking concrete steps for socialist organizing in their specific context.

    The convention also ratified a Community Defense Working Group, which will be taking the main role in guiding MADSA’s STRIKE ICE OUT actions. The group will emphasize community education, non-violent neighborhood mobilizing, mutual aid, and strike preparation. Specific goals for the working group include providing materials and trainings, doing administrative tasks for maintaining neighborhood group chats across the city, encouraging in-person meetings between neighbors, disseminating information from other reliable sources (Voces, MTI, and Comite Sin Fronteras), supporting tenant organizing, and helping build towards a May 1st major labor action / general strike.

    2. Electoral Work

    Members voted to continue the Program Working Group, which is developing a formal platform with the key viewpoints and priorities of MADSA as a chapter. This work will be helpful in guiding MADSA’s collaboration with political candidates, and when deciding how to prioritize projects in the face of unprecedented growth in membership. 

    Members also passed a resolution to build DSA’s capacity as an independent political party. The resolution included a continuation of this past year’s electoral work, while also adding features like additional political education in the “off-season,” and collaboration with the Labor Working Group around research and explicit support of policy that improves labor rights.

    Lastly, members passed a resolution reaffirming the chapter’s commitment to Palestinian liberation and anti-Zionism. This resolution mandates that any program, platform, and/or candidates endorsed by MADSA “must support the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement, refrain from any and all affiliation with the Israeli government or Zionist lobby groups, pledge to oppose legislation that harms Palestinians and support legislation that supports Palestinian liberation.”

    3. Improving Chapter Functions

    Lastly, several convention items focused on improving the running of our chapter. A spirited discussion took place around the accessibility of meetings. One particular area of concern has been disability access, including – but not limited to – variable masking requirements at different meetings. Another topic was improving support for working parents within the chapter, who face additional barriers to participating in regular meetings. On Saturday, members discussed a proposal and an amendment around accessibility issues, and they ultimately decided to table the final vote until the April general membership meeting.

    Several resolutions did pass related to the running of the chapter, including: 

    • Changes to certain chapter rules and processes, including standing meeting rules;
    • Creating a cohort model for welcoming and onboarding new members to the chapter;
    • Creating some editorial practices and increased structure for Red Madison, to improve responsiveness and to foster more participation in the publication. 

    A resolution around creating a process for formal coalition-building with external groups did not pass, after significant discussion and debate. 

    MADSA Attends “No Kings”

    This image depicts Madison DSA members at the recent No Kings protest. Some prominent signs say, "No ICE, No Wars, No Billionaires," and "Money for People's Needs, not endless wars and ice!"

    Members of the chapter recently attended the No Kings protest on March 28th, with the goal of being a visible socialist presence, handing out materials, and talking to interested crowd members about action steps for being politically engaged and effective. In preparation for the march, MADSA had organizing meetings, an art build on 3/27, and a crowd canvassing training emphasizing “NO ICE, NO WAR, NO BILLIONAIRES!” 

    Several MADSA members gave speeches at the protest! You can see them here, and shorter clips will be posted on Instagram in the coming week.

    ICE Out Efforts Continue

    MADSA continues to coordinate information about trainings and events, and neighborhood group chats, via the Strike Out ICE hub. Check it out here, and keep your eyes out for the newsletter in your inbox! 

    A major next step in the process is the Madison Worker’s Assembly on April 4th. This is an opportunity for the community to come together and reflect on goals and strategies for mass labor action.

    Additional Organizing

    This image is a promotional poster for the affordable housing panel from March 27th. It shows Ryan Clancy, Juliana Bennett, Bobby Gronert, Heidi Wegleitner, and Tex from Dane County Homeless Justice Initiative.

    Other important efforts this month included the following:

    • Labor Working Group hosted a Strike Studies event on 3/2; the next one is on April 6th.
    • MADSA hosted a panel discussion titled Against Empire: A Socialist Conversation on Imperialism on 3/26 – a topic that is especially relevant given current events.
    • MADSA held an Affordable Housing Panel, featuring local organizers and elected officials on 3/27 – video here!
    • The Program Working Group had an event on one of the planks in MADSA’s developing platform – public transit! This took place on 3/31.
    • There was a one-off reading group on 3/23 focusing on two short texts by Alexandra Kollontai, focusing on the intersection of Marxism and feminism. 

    And coming soon:

    • MADSA is starting to prepare for another Queer Liberation March, with a meeting planned for 4/4.
    • DSA made plans to attend the upcoming May Day Strong Solidarity School, preparing for a May 1st day of mass labor action / general strike – this is scheduled for April 11th.

    Social Events

    We continue hosting recurring social events – DSA 101, Coffee with Comrades, and the Rosebuddies program. MADSA Run Club is making a return on Sundays as the weather warms up!

    Protest Song of the Month

    For this month’s song, have a 1913 tune by Joe Hill, We Will Sing One Song.

    And that concludes our monthly round-up!

  • The Capitalist Attitude Towards the Homelessness Crisis

    The unfairness and absurdity of modern homelessness can be summed up in a single number: there are 28 vacant homes for every homeless person. Although this fact diminishes the complexity of homelessness, its simple cruelty reveals America’s greatest contradiction: a nation of abundance and a nation of destitution. Society holds in its hands the ability to provide for all, yet chooses not to. The inherent inequality of the economy only deepens its inhumanity as prices rise, real wages stagnate, and social services are cut. Homelessness is growing at record rates, mostly among the youth and elderly, and disproportionately affecting racial and sexual minorities. Government services often fail to address the root issue of the problem, if it exists at all. It is not enough that capitalism should subject one part of society to be without a place to stay; governments viciously criminalize homelessness and maniacally inflict pain through anti-homeless architecture. Why does capitalism force one part of the population into abject poverty at their most needed? And why does this unignorable inequality not anger society more and more every day? The answer is rooted in capitalism’s need for a reserve army of labor and dominance as the base for society, including our thoughts and feelings about the world around us.

    Homelessness and unemployment are not solely symptoms of capitalism but a necessary element in order to further exploit workers and lower wages through the immiseration of the lowest strata of society. The underhoused and unhoused are part of a group Marx termed the reserve army of labor. This reserve army acts as a potential replacement for employed wage workers, forcing them to accept worse working conditions and lower wages in fear of losing their jobs. The largest supply of workers with the lowest demand for labor allows employers to increase exploitation of workers, as people become desperate for any job at all. Increased competition between those needing employment divides the working class, making them fight over the scraps instead of banding together to bring about change. This supply grows ever larger as capital concentrates in fewer hands and more people are pushed into the proletariat, seen in the record high rates of homelessness and wealth inequality in the U.S. Capitalism and bourgeois society have no desire or reason to end homelessness as it needs the reserve army to be so large and conditions for the unemployed so miserable to keep workers subservient to wages. As Marx said, “accumulation of wealth is at the same time accumulation of misery, agony of toil, slavery, ignorance, brutality, mental degradation, at the opposite pole.”

    Capitalism was built and continues to be supported by the forced unhousing of sectors of society and the creation of the reserve army. British industrialism exploded rapidly in urban areas due to the enclosure of farming and grazing land. Peasants were kicked off the soil to create privately owned land, and forced off in droves to the cities. Vagrancy and homelessness became criminalized, and former peasants had to take the worst possible jobs. The reserve army helped keep the plantation system and the exploitation of black labor alive in the post-Reconstruction South. By arresting unemployed freed slaves, the black population was given a choice between quasi-slavery in sharecropping or legal slavery in the prison system. And in modern times, legislation and government policy criminalizes homelessness in order to sweep away the issue and punish the victims without any concern for the root cause.The landmark Grants Pass v Johnson SCOTUS case in 2024 overturned protections for homeless encampments even if the unhoused had nowhere else to go, combining with other statues and ordinances that make it illegal to sleep in public. As affordability and welfare cuts make permanent housing harder and harder to obtain, the state punishes those caught in these unavoidable situations with nowhere else to turn. Cemented is the rule of capitalism: work or suffer.

    The reserve army of labor explains why capitalism impoverishes the most needy. But the system permeates deeper: into societal thoughts and feelings towards the unhoused. Certainly, hateful, hyper-exaggerated, and largely false stereotypes play their role, but what lies deeper? Societal attitudes towards the homeless, ideas of who they are in relation to the employed, and theories on how to confront the issue cannot be boiled down to malicious disparagement or apathetic pity. Instead, they are shaped by the foundations of capitalism and bourgeois society.

    First, the unhoused lie outside the capitalist system of production. They are not laboring in order to create surplus-value or profit. Capitalism defines people as wage-workers who live solely to create capital; therefore, the non-worker lives for nothing, a burden that “provides” nothing. Production of capital, as the foundation of society, becomes the measure of human “value.” We can see this exemplified in current unhoused aid practices and social services. With the prevalence of employment dependent help or simple job training, help comes only if people engage in, or are seeking to engage in, producing surplus-value. Aid without concern for how much the person contributed to capital is reserved for those who can’t work at all. While the right parrots the idea of laziness being the cause of poverty more and more as a justification for policy, these ideas remain in the minds of all. The connection between labor and human value lies at the core of our species. Marx writes, “it is just in his work upon, the objective world, therefore, that man first really proves himself to be a species being”. Labor is humanity’s purpose, what separates man from animal, and defines us as a species. But under capitalism, labor comes under the harsh master of capital, as the only form labor can take. The worker is alienated from his labor, his species-being, his humanity. Since the unhoused are not laboring for capital, they are viewed to not contribute to society, viewed as not to be fulfilling our greater purpose. Capital defines society, and the unhoused are not in its service, viewed to be not in its society. Humans define themselves and others through labor and work. However, as labor is dominated by the tyranny of capital, our ideas of humanity and human value are dominated by the tyranny of capital.

    Secondly, the unhoused not only buck capitalist production but it’s necessary counterpart-consumption. The existence of a dominant consumer society is widely known. But modern adoration for commodities is more than a want for better and more stuff. Not only does capitalism alienate people from their labor but also the products of that labor. When we make something, we are impressing part of ourselves into the material world. In the object we pour our sweat, effort, ideas, feeling, and being. Yet capitalism takes us from the fruit of our work- we don’t own what we make. Instead, we receive wages, which in turn buy commodities- the replacement for our stolen, objectified labor. Mass modern economies hide the relations of production from the common eye, so we do not see the relationship between labor and commodity hidden by the chaotic world encompassing scale of modern industry. Value is believed to be inherent in the commodity itself and not a result of the labor congealed in it. Commodities as value become personal power, social power, and a mark of value presentable to the larger society. We become what we own, we can choose who we are by buying back the lost objectification of our labor through commodities. The less commodities owned, the less you are, the less you can express yourself, the less you can be. Commodity fetishism runs deep. The desire for commodities innate in our economic system, in the base of society, directly supervenes on not only politics or religion but into our conceptions of the world around us, other people, and even morality and philosophy. While we might not realize it, the base mechanics of capitalism- the need for commodities to be used to make profit- makes it seem that this is one the base mechanics of human society as a whole. The unhoused, as non consumers, become social pariahs, outside the value system. This goes hand in hand with their status as non-producers. Commodities become the value we create in our labor. The unhoused neither produce value nor own value in the eyes of capital. Property is the highest form of social power and ownership-based value. To have privacy, a place to call your own, is to have a false objective self in the physical and social world. Commodities start to gain power over us, the ability to “own” us as the physical realization of self through labor. Those who lack commodities are the ones cast aside by society and only helped again if they work to create and own more. Capitalism and its unending want for more stuff makes ownership of commodities a key part of day to day life. By being unable or limited to join this system of commodity fetishism, the unhoused appear to stand separate from the rest of capitalist society. They are the ones who force society to look reality in the eye and listen- “look what you have done.”

    Capitalism’s influence on the material base on society leads to an influence in the ideological base- in the core evaluations and appreciations of humanity, the purpose of human life, and the value of human life. Because current society revolves around the creation of surplus-value through labor and the exchange of wages for commodities, dominant ideas about people revolve around these same poles. This is not the immediate, interpersonal feelings one might have or not have about the homelessness. This ideological base is the subconscious building block of beliefs about people that guides larger ideas about the world and our place in it, leading to real-world opinions and justifications that play back into the capitalist system. Understanding where attitudes about this issue stem from allows us to undermine these infiltrations. By realizing where capitalism thwarts ideas towards inequality and cruelty, we can build new ideas of equity, compassion, and humanity that will help us grow towards a new society.

  • Monthly Round-Up – January 2026

    Monthly Round-Up – January 2026

    This article is written by a DSA member and does not formally represent the views of MADSA as a whole or its subgroups. 

    Welcome to Vol. 6 of the monthly round-up! The content in this publication overlaps significantly with our DSA newsletter and monthly General Membership Meetings. To sign up for the newsletter or check out an upcoming General Membership Meeting, visit: https://madison-dsa.org/events/

    MADSA Endorses Fran Hong for Governor

    Cheers erupted in the January 28th General Membership Meeting when over 100 people voted in favor of endorsing Francesca Hong in the upcoming Wisconsin gubernatorial race. The air in the meeting was electric and attendance was the largest in recent chapter history. Comrades engaged in rousing debate during the discussion block, on factors including election timing, chapter capacity, trust in structures of power, the opportunities and drawbacks that come with campaign organizing work, and the potential representation of socialism in WI. Ultimately, the chapter expressed readiness to put work into this campaign. 

    As the District 76 State Representative and a member of the Wisconsin Legislative Socialist Caucus, Fran has championed democratic socialist policies like universal childcare, public education and healthy school meals for all, paid family leave, and an Economic Justice Bill of Rights which guarantees the right to a unionized job. She continues to run as a proud democratic socialist on a platform of economic justice and workers’ rights. This campaign also means a huge opportunity for community-building; people will be connecting across Wisconsin through door-to-door canvassing, phone banking, town halls, and other volunteer opportunities during the campaign. The chapter looks forward to meeting new people, discussing the issues that matter to them, and promoting policies for building working class power. 

    Chapter Prepares for Upcoming Annual Convention

    The DSA follows a deliberative democratic decision-making process, empowering all members to have a say in local and national DSA action. The process has many benefits, including feeling a higher sense of ownership in the projects of the organization, building leadership and speaking skills among members, encouraging critical thinking, modeling active participation in decisions that impact us, maintaining a sense of accountability in leaders, and being able to focus on several areas based on the abilities and desires of membership. As our chapter has grown in size, we’ve seen new working groups, changes to the bylaws governing our chapter, expansion of certain roles, and lots of lively discussion in-person and in our online channels! We’ve been seeing more debate as well, which is a sign of healthy engagement.

    We have an opportunity for more change as our annual chapter convention is approaching. The dates have been finalized for March 20th and March 21st, 2026. The convention plays a huge role in chapter work for the rest of the year. At the convention, you will:

    • Hear reports from working groups in our chapter;
    • Vote on continuing existing working groups (rechartering);
    • Vote on new bylaw amendments and chapter resolutions (starting new campaigns, working groups, projects, etc.);
    • Vote for leadership positions – executive co-chairs, administrator, treasurer, communication and membership coordinators, “at-large,” Solidarity Captains, and the Community Accountability Committee (“CAC”). 

    There are several preparation meetings scheduled before the convention, where people can co-work on resolutions and get feedback. Here is the timeline leading up to convention:

    • Resolution Writing Workshop 1 – January 14th, which already took place this month!
    • Resolution Writing Workshop 2 – February 12th 6:30-8:30pm at Social Justice Center.
    • Due date for All Convention Materials – February 20th.
    • Due date for Amendments to Proposals – March 10th.
    • March General Meeting – convention agenda will be discussed – March 11th.
    • Convention Friday March 20th 6-9pm + Saturday March 21st 10am-4pm.

    Click here to see the full Convention Guide and/or RSVP – all members are strongly encouraged to attend so that they can participate in leading MADSA’s next steps for 2026!

    ICE Out: Working Towards Community Safety

    Alongside hope for Fran’s campaign, and focus for the upcoming convention, people’s hearts are burning with fear, sadness, and rage around state violence inflicted in the name of unjust “immigration enforcement” and protest “crowd control.” We are witnessing senseless deaths and extrajudicial kidnappings – flagrant human rights violations. 

    Socialists know that the horrors we are seeing today are not the result of one mad leader (nor his cabinet), but the result of over a century of festering capitalism, racism, and imperialism concentrating wealth and power to the few. MADSA released a statement, and is ongoingly deliberating on what our medium- and long-term role will be in supporting communities around safety and immigration rights in the face of escalating political violence. The previous section noted the highlights of our deliberative democracy structure, but the major drawback is that decisions tend to move more slowly than in a “top-down” structure. While that work is ongoing, MADSA and its members have organized and participated in several actions in January, and will continue to do so:

    • Members participated in the Ice Out Solidarity Vigil on January 9th after the killing of Nicole Good, as well as the following Ice Out rally on January 10th.
    • Members participated further in an Ice Out rally on January 25th in response to the killing of Alex Pretti. Member Sam D. gave a speech – click here for a link with captions
    • Members participated in an ICE Week of Action building up to a January 30th walk-out + march and the January 31st Madison Anti-ICE Community Meeting organized by MADSA. This included Know Your Rights training, group discussion, opportunities to generate concrete political demands, and information about next steps to build networks of community support. Organizers will continue to meet around this work. 
    • Members are also building to a national general strike on May Day, which will include demands around safety for immigrant communities and communities of color.

    Additional Organizing

    Other important efforts this month included the following:

    The Labor Working Group is launching the Madison Organizing Institute a 12-week long course designed for anyone who wants to build or strengthen a union in their workplace. The course will teach you about your organizing rights, skills for talking to coworkers, developing demands, and more. Click here for the link to sign up.

    No Appetite for Apartheid announced a launch party scheduled for February 7th, 6-8pm at James Reeb on E. Johnson. This event is open to the public, stating: “The goal of the No Appetite for Apartheid campaign is to make Madison a more ethical place to shop by removing all grocery items complicit in the violence against Palestinians.”

    A member announced an Artists’ Planning Meeting for February 1st with the goal of adding art programming to the upcoming Convention, and overall increasing art and music engagement in the chapter.

    MADSA has been more in touch with Milwaukee DSA in light of recent organization work, and the latter chapter published a podcast episode about successful labor organizing in Milwaukee. Listen to it here! 

    Social Events

    We continue hosting recurring social events – New Member Orientations, DSA 101, Coffee with Comrades, and the Rosebuddies program. We also look forward to various canvassing opportunities and electoral campaign-related events in February and beyond. 

    Protest Song of the Month

    For January, I present the Song of Choice by Peggy Seeger. This song uses an extended metaphor of dormant seeds to represent fascism, and urges the listener to pull the weeds before it’s too late. A snippet:

    “Early every year, seeds are growing

    Unseen, unheard, they lie beneath the ground.

    Would you know before the leaves are showing

    That with weeds all your garden will abound?

    If you close your eyes, stop your ears,

    Hold your mouth, how can you know?

    The seeds you cannot see may not be there;

    The seeds you cannot hear may never grow…

    In January you’ve still got the choice,

    You can cut the weeds before they start to bud!

    If you leave them to grow higher, they’ll silence your voice

    And in December you may pay with your blood!”

    And that concludes our monthly round-up!

  • Bobby Gronert: Why MADSA should endorse Francesca Hong for Governor

    Bobby Gronert: Why MADSA should endorse Francesca Hong for Governor

    Comrades of UW-Madison YDSA and Madison-Area DSA,

    As we approach one of the biggest decisions in the history of Madison-Area DSA and UW-Madison YDSA, we want to share our thoughts on the question of endorsing Francesca Hong.

    This question comes at a time of crisis. Wealth continues to accumulate in the hands of those who already have it, as life gets worse for those destitute and barely getting by. No longer able to satisfy our bloodlust purely overseas, Nazi admirers have been armed by the state and sent to walk our streets; “a force of the unemployable terrorizing the employed”, to paraphrase Will Menaker. Liberal institutions, the entire system of liberal democracy, seems to only continue to be swept away by the rising fascist tide. Actions like NSPM-7, which designates “anti-capitalist” groups as domestic terror organizations, are already putting socialists in the crosshair, and it’s only a matter of time until they act on their ambitions and use their Gestapo to come after us too

    We did not choose the troubling circumstances we find ourselves in. While the fascists are organized in their cruelty, staying passive is recklessness bordering on negligence. For these reasons, although we hold some reservations about Fran’s campaign, we strongly encourage MADSA to vote to endorse her for Governor of Wisconsin.

    To fight this regime, we need to organize working people from the Mississippi River to the Monongahela Valley. In Fran’s campaign, we have been presented an opportunity to do just that in Wisconsin. Just as Bernie Sander’s 2016 campaign grew DSA from 8.5k on election day to 21k in 2017, or how Zohran’s upstart Mayoral bid doubled NYC DSA’s membership rolls, Fran’s statewide campaign will not just grow MADSA’s organizing in Madison — it will empower rural working communities to join our fight too.  

    As co-chairs of YDSA’s Electoral Working Group at UW-Madison, we can seamlessly integrate Fran’s campaign into our campus organizing alongside our campaign for Common Council District 8. This will demonstrate our maturity and seriousness to students desperate for a legitimate way to fight fascism. In this country, many see elections and police-approved protests as their only way to participate in politics.  A statewide socialist campaign would mobilize this mass of politically unorganized young and working folks, and would draw together a coalition hungry for change into an actionable, growing, and revolutionary movement statewide.

    By harnessing the potential of Francesca Hong’s gubernatorial campaign, we could create a statewide socialist movement that transcends the rural-urban divide by connecting DSA chapters across the entire state. We envision a future of constant cooperation between Madison and Milwaukee DSA, YDSA Chapters at Superior, Oshkosh, Parkside, Stout, and even high schools around the state. Though we were pleased to see 150 people in the room for Fran’s Candidate Forum during the most recent General Meeting, 150 people in Madison will not win this fight, and will not satisfy us.  We hope to see 150 DSA members in a room in Platteville, as a working class movement does not win back Southwestern Wisconsin for the Democrats, but wins it for DSA. With the Fran already amassing over 1,500 volunteers for her campaign, she presents a clear first step in this vision.

    Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz recently said that our only way to fight this fascist tide is “in the courts and at the ballot box.” As Democratic Socialists (emphasis on the D), we know the ballot box not to be the only expression of working class democracy, and the courts not to be an ally of the working class at all. Organizing doesn’t stop at the ballot box, and the momentum we bring to this campaign doesn’t either. DSA must not be just an organization, but be the organization behind this campaign, defining its policy, its strategy, and providing a healthy source of manpower and enthusiasm. 

    Just as our campaign won’t die on April 7th, we must make sure that Fran’s does not meet its end on August 11th or November 3rd. We will rally for Fran when she produces tangible wins for working people, and ensure these wins are seen as products of the socialist movement. If Fran delivers on universal childcare, guaranteed paid leave, free school means, legalizing cannabis, and criminal justice reform, they will be seen as victories of socialism, not the Democratic Party. And when she fails to deliver, we will stick to our principles as a chapter and hold her accountable. 

    As Eugene Debs once said: “I can see the dawn of the better day for humanity. The people are awakening. In due time they will and must come to their own.” The tradition of socialism in Wisconsin has remained dormant for too long. We must fight to re-awaken the masses.

    A new era for Wisconsin socialists is here.

    In solidarity, 

    Bobby Gronert and Wesley Hoy

    Co-Chairs of the UW-Madison YDSA Electoral Working Group

    Carter Burg contributed to this piece.

  • Member of PSOL in Brazil Visits Madison DSA

    Member of PSOL in Brazil Visits Madison DSA

    In December 2025, MADSA was visited by Peter B., a Brazilian socialist member of PSOL (Partido Socialismo e Liberdade/Socialism and Liberty Party). Peter has been living in New York for the past year and paid a visit to Madison, Wisconsin, as part of his effort to promote the First International Antifascism Conference, being held in Porto Alegre, Brazil, from March 26-29, 2026. This conference is being organized by his party, PSOL, as well as PT (Worker’s Party; party of current president Lula da Silva) and PC do B (Communist Party of Brazil)

    Peter has been an active socialist organizer in Brazil for many years and officially joined PSOL in 2009. Before joining PSOL, Peter was active in the student movement, as well as the broader youth movement in Brazil. He also worked as the chief of staff for a Brazilian congresswoman. Comrades in MADSA sat down with Peter for an intimate talk about what it has been like for Peter living in the United States and observing the actions of DSA. We also engaged in conversation about electoral politics, the rise of the far-right, the importance of internationalism, the various ways PSOL differs from DSA, and the differences between our respective countries. 

    PSOL is the second largest left party in Brazil and is positioned to the left of PT, the Workers Party. PT is the current largest left party, but is not an openly socialist party. PSOL currently has 12 congress members in Brazil out of a congress of over 500 members. 

    Brazil and the United States

    In the spirit of internationalism, Peter expressed that he and his comrades in Brazil are concerned about the rise of right-wing politics in the United States. They are especially concerned about the politics of Trump and the far-right. The realities of Brazil and the United States are intertwined, with far-right sentiment becoming a growing problem in both countries, as well as around the world. With these concerns in mind, socialists are frequently asking themselves: What are the best actions socialists can be taking to combat fascism in their country? For American socialists, do we feel DSA is prepared nationally to combat these issues? What about the issues in our local communities and how they are connected to international politics?

    If Americans think their recent political issues are unique to their own country – everything from political assassinations to coup attempts – Brazil is more alike than most might know. Jair Bolsonaro, previously mentioned as the former right-wing president, is currently in jail for orchestrating his own version of a January 6th-style attack, which occurred on January 8th, 2023. After left-wing president Lula da Silva was inaugurated, Bolsonaro supporters attacked federal government buildings in retaliation, hoping to begin a military intervention. Bolsonaro and his supporters were unsuccessful, but unlike the United States, the Brazilian courts sentenced Bolsonaro to a 27-year prison sentence for plotting a coup. 

    Political assassinations have been on the minds of Americans for the past year, from the attempt on Donald Trump to the United Healthcare CEO to Charlie Kirk. On the other side of the aisle, many have overlooked the assassinations of Minnesota House of Representatives Speaker Melissa Hortman and her husband, as well as the attempt on the lives of Minnesota State Senator John Hoffman and his family. 

    Peter remembers a particularly difficult time in PSOL: the assassination of Marielle Franco, a Black socialist city councilor, who was a member of PSOL. Franco, who was outspoken against police brutality, was killed by two former police officers. Peter mentioned a foundation created in her name that acts as a place for members of PSOL to organize, promote political education, carry out seminars, panels, studies, research, publications, and more. 

    Some other similarities between the United States and Brazil are obvious: both countries are bourgeois democracies where money in politics plays a big role in influencing elections and forcing organizers to find different spaces to put forward alternatives to the status quo. One major difference is Brazil does not have a bipartisan system and allows for many different parties to represent the people within congress. Peter believes it is good for socialists to have their own party. 

    Another difference is that Brazil has public funding for elections, which had been a major demand from left parties in Brazil in past years. This demand was won, but Peter acknowledges that there are still contradictory problems with money in politics. For example, Peter notes that politicians in Brazil are quick to spend massive amounts of money on running elections and building parties, but then turn around and claim there is not enough money to fund public education and other important needs for the working class. At this point in the talk, a MADSA member mentioned that Zohran Mamdani’s winning campaign was helped along using New York City’s public elections fund matching campaign, where individual dollar donations were bolstered by a public matching fund, allowing Zohran to stay competitive in the race.

    A major concern with politics in the United States is lack of voter participation. Many citizens regularly sit out elections and most people do not feel well represented by the major parties. In Brazil, voting is mandatory. Despite this obligation, around 20-30% of all voters in Brazil do not actually participate in elections. For comparison, in the 2024 general election, 36% of Americans did not vote. Mandatory voting, Peter argues, creates an environment of vigorous political debate prior to elections. It could also be potentially difficult for an individual in Brazil to apply for a public sector job if they did not have a record of participating in elections, which acts as another incentive to get people to vote and become politically aware and engaged.

    The work of DSA and socialists in office

    Comparisons between DSA as a political organization and PSOL as a legal party were brought up throughout the talk. Peter noted that DSA engages in candidate development and endorsement procedures, with a focus on questionnaires and candidate forums to try and ensure that DSA-endorsed candidates abide by the socialist strategy of the DSA. However, as members of DSA, we know that the process of engaging in electoral politics differs greatly from chapter to chapter, with large chapters like NYC-DSA seen as a powerhouse of electoral strategy whereas smaller chapters engage in electoral work with perhaps a more critical eye, considering the small numbers. The current endorsement processes MADSA is engaged in have been heavily debated and discussed among members, with most members seemingly eager to make the best possible decision in how to engage in campaigns and whether or not these campaigns will promote socialism at large.

    In Brazilian politics and elections, Peter relays how PSOL will run dozens of candidates at the same time at the state level. He finds that it is sometimes more difficult to individually interview every possible candidate and analyze their political beliefs, but this is perhaps in reality a far more simple process considering PSOL is an established legal party with strong leadership and a clear program. While there is no way to directly prevent opportunists from running as members of PSOL, the party structure having a coherent program for addressing issues in Brazil helps to create strong candidates in general, with less of a need to individually vet every candidate.

    While living in the United States during the past has been undoubtedly difficult for socialists, we experienced a glimmer of hope with the campaign and successful election of Zohran Mamdani, a cadre member of NYC-DSA who beat back incumbent mayor Eric Adams (who has a history of collaborating with Donald Trump and other conservative groups) and former governor Andrew Cuomo (who has a history of assaulting women). According to Peter, who had an up-close view of NYC-DSA’s historic campaign to elect Zohran, there was nothing quite like the Mamdani campaign. It was a very politicized, high-spirited campaign, focused on a working class affordability agenda while also connecting the issues of New Yorkers to issues to the world, such as Palestinian liberation and fighting the far-right.

    The Mamdani win showed that not only can socialists effectively message about bread-and-butter issues such as affordability, they can also highlight internationalism as a positive aspect of the campaign, as well as shining a light on the problems with conservatism in the United States. The unique circumstances of Zohran battling against two unpopular politicians too eager to uplift right-wing causes (most notably Zionism) made a strong case for socialism as the true alternative to “business as usual” politics in New York City. Can this be replicated around the country?

    A MADSA member brought up recent electoral political disagreements in NYC-DSA regarding New York City Councilmember Chi Osse’s attempt to potentially challenge Hakeem Jeffries, current Minority Leader of the House of Representatives, in his district. Peter, as an observer, felt that DSA’s political culture surrounding this particular moment was impressive. Around 300 members of DSA attended an in-person discussion about Osse’s potential campaign challenge and over 800 members attended online on Zoom. Peter noted positively that mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani attended in-person as a regular member of NYC-DSA and spoke against Osse’s candidacy. Afterwards, despite the mayor-elect making his preference known, Osse still received 45% support from NYC-DSA members. To Peter, this showed that despite NYC-DSA having just rallied for over a year to support Mamdani’s campaign, members were not afraid to disagree with Mamdani and argue against his point of view. This event also showed that despite his position in the executive office, Mamdani behaved as just another member of DSA, as a cadre member would be expected to act. 

    DSA has had electoral victories in the past, and Zohran is not the first win we’ve had to celebrate in the last few years. Despite the growing number of DSA electeds, the eternal question remains: What does it mean to be a socialist in office? How can we use elections to advance a socialist strategy? Peter B. shared his beliefs that a representative in government should be a member of a socialist organization, and not just a paper member. This representative should ideally be going to meetings and participating in the organization. Any representative should use their office to help grassroots movements, organize new movements, and help unions organize. Further, a socialist representative should always “talk the truth to society, to the working class.” Members of MADSA have recently expressed similar feelings about socialist electeds, including strong beliefs that an elected candidate should be using their time in office to advance the labor movement, evangelize about socialism, and be a participating member of DSA. 

    An example of how PSOL has used representatives in office to mobilize the working class was through their 2019 fight against a very conservative pension reform bill, put forward by former right-wing president Jair Bolsonaro. In reaction to this bill, the PSOL congresswoman that Peter worked for launched a campaign to register households as committees to organize against the bill. Although the bill passed, they managed to register and organize over 2,000 households nationally, getting these groups politically engaged at a grassroots level. 

    The importance of internationalism

    At the heart of Peter’s visit to Madison and his travels in the United States was the concept of internationalism. Peter expressed his strong belief in internationalism. To him, it is important because capitalism is an international system, and so defeating capitalism requires international organizing. The crisis of capitalism is a global problem impacting the lives of most of the world’s people, and we should think about our fight against capitalism on a global scale. International issues tend to touch on every country in some way, whether that be the climate crisis, the development and adoption of AI in the workplace, or warfare. 

    Palestine is another international issue that has seemingly galvanized a large part of the world’s population, uniting everyone in their belief in Palestinian liberation and the end to forever wars. Peter brought up the Global Sumud Flotilla, consisting of over 40 vessels carrying 500 people from around the world, sailing to try and deliver aid to Palestinians, as well as continue the struggle for Palestinian liberation. According to Peter, three members of PSOL were part of the flotilla, and this risky initiative was important for putting the attention back on the genocide and the falsities of the “ceasefire” negotiations.

    More specific to DSA, Peter noted that a member of PSOL attended the 2025 DSA National Convention in Chicago, and after this member spoke against Trump, their visa was revoked. Engaging in internationalism is a risky endeavor, but the working people of the world owe it to each other to extend solidarity with one another in the fight against global capitalism.

    The First International Antifascism Conference…

    …which is being held in March 2026 in Brazil, is a broad initiative organized by the left parties in Brazil, alongside many unions and the MST (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Ruais Sem Terra/Landless Workers Movement). MST is a historic mass movement of rural workers fighting for land reform and against injustice in rural areas. The event is anticipated to attract people from over 40 countries, with individuals ranging from elected officials, rank and file union members, social movement activists, and more. 

    The conference is open to anyone who wishes to attend. Registration for the event can be found here: https://antifas2026.org/en/

    MADSA was very happy to host Peter B. for a few days and talk with him personally about his political beliefs, the realities of being a socialist in Brazil, and the current socialist movement in the United States. MADSA as a chapter recognizes the importance of internationalism, fighting fascism, and being in solidarity with the workers of the world!

  • Monthly Round-Up – December 2025

    Monthly Round-Up – December 2025

    This article is written by a DSA member and does not formally represent the views of MADSA as a whole or its subgroups. 

    Welcome to Vol. 5 of the monthly round-up! The content in this publication overlaps significantly with our DSA newsletter and monthly General Membership Meetings. To sign up for the newsletter or check out an upcoming General Membership Meeting, visit: https://madison-dsa.org/events/

    MADSA Adds a New Branch

    The chapter reported at our December General Membership Meeting that MADSA has nearly doubled in size since October 2024 – from 368 members then, to 643 members now! In last month’s round-up, I shared a bit about how this growth is impacting the internal policies and structure of our organization. This month, I’m pleased to share another example of structural changes, as our chapter voted to add a new branch – the Southern Dane County Branch! 

    This branch will still be a part of MADSA, but will have the power to host their own meetings and to coordinate local efforts to support the chapter’s goals. They will host regular meetings around Fitchburg/Verona to increase accessibility for current MADSA members and potential new joiners. They plan to work with MADSA’s existing committees and working groups, while also acting as an organizing hub for people who live in more suburban and rural parts of Southern Dane County, with a strong emphasis on electoral, organizing, and educational initiatives. 

    Our Electoral Work is Expanding

    The nation has witnessed an increase in candidates running openly as socialists – often very successfully! With this development, we’ve seen more and more candidates on the local level. To meet the evolving political landscape, MADSA’s Electoral Working Group has updated our candidate endorsement process and published corresponding materials. The WG has added an endorsement deadline for 2026 elections, clarified the number of signatures required on endorsement petitions, and clarified interview questions for candidates. They also developed a sample questionnaire to demonstrate what types of answers candidates will need to provide during the process.

    MADSA Endorses Candidate Bobby Gronert

    The first candidate endorsed with this updated process is Bobby Gronert running for Common Council District 8! Bobby is a UW-Madison student and a member of the university’s YDSA chapter. His student-led campaign aims to work on affordable housing issues, tenants’ rights, and challenging fascism via local policies. Bobby was successfully endorsed by MADSA on December 13th, and the endorsement resolution included a pledge of 20-80 hours per month of volunteer support from the December date through election day, April 7, 2026. Bobby’s campaign is exciting news for the city of Madison, and it means new ties developing between UW’s YDSA and our MADSA chapter.

    The chapter expects to work on endorsement considerations for the following candidates this season:

    • Heidi Wegleitner, re-running for County Board District 2, and re-applying for MADSA endorsement;
    • Juliana Bennett and Zoe Sullivan running for State Assembly District 76;
    • Francesca Hong running for Wisconsin governor. 

    New Working Group Chartered: Platform/Program Development

    Lastly in this area, members at the December GMM approved a new working group dedicated to developing a clear platform for our chapter. The goal of the working group, slated to last 4 months, is to create a “comprehensive chapter program and/or platform” based on research and discussions with chapter members and with the broader Madison community. This will provide a more solid basis for organizing work, deciding on political endorsements, developing and supporting leadership in the chapter, and more. 

    Additional Organizing

    Some chapter members have been supporting the Starbucks union strike in November and December. Members signed up for picketing shifts and showed out with signs and warm coffee in the cold winter weather. 

    Starbucks Workers United began striking on November 13th nationwide, and continue to do so in many locations, including State Street in Madison. If you’d like to support striking workers, here are some actions you can take:

    • Boycott all Starbucks locations and products while the workers are striking; talk to people around you about joining the boycott – check out and sign the “No Contract, No Coffee” pledge;
    • Turn people away from non-striking / non-union Starbucks locations in the area;
    • Show up to the picket line and participate;
    • Bring treats (especially hot drinks) to the picket line for morale!

    MADSA also hosted some talks and discussions this month, including:

    • A members-only debate on electoralism – what is the extent to which socialists should be engaging in electoral politics within our current capitalist system? What are the costs and benefits around the increase in electoral work this year?
    • Hosting a guest speaker from Brazil’s PSOL, who gave a talk on internationalism and resisting fascism;
    • Strategy discussion on supporting immigrants’ safety in Madison;
    • Check-in discussion on MADSA’s coalition work around housing issues and the Homeless Justice Initiative
    • Planning around the 2026 Chapter Convention;
    • Internal debate on several bylaws as the chapter continues to grow.

    We also shared our Madison DSA Wrapped with highlights from this year!

    Social Events

    We continue hosting recurring social events, including New Member Orientations, DSA 101, Coffee with Comrades, and the Rosebuddies program. Comrades also rang in the new year with a members-only New Year’s Eve party.

    Protest Song of the Month

    For a December protest song, I share The Homeless Wassail. Wassailing is an old English tradition of Pagan/non-Christian origin that now takes place during the countdown to Christmas. It originally involved the blessing of fruit-producing trees – especially in apple orchards – by singing, drinking, and making merriment. It changed over time to include house-visiting, and eventually the Christmas caroling we know today. The linked song highlights the deep pain, inequity, and injustice that continue in our communities.

    And that concludes our monthly round-up!

  • Can MADSA Make Better Possible? Francesca Hong and Madison Area DSA’s Electoral Strategy

    The past decade of the Democratic Socialists of America has been defined by shockingly successful moonshot campaigns that catapulted socialism into national conversation, leaving organizers scrambling to meet the moment without sacrificing their principles. First, we had Bernie’s 2016 presidential campaign and its 2020 encore, and then just a few months ago, Zohran Mamdani shattered expectations with his election as  mayor of New York City. Now, it might be Wisconsin’s turn: MADSA member and State Rep. Francesca Hong announced her bid for Governor at our September General Meeting. Since then, there has been widespread debate in the chapter, but one thing we all seem to agree on: this race could be a huge opportunity for socialists in Wisconsin. The question is – are we ready?

    MADSA members have been thinking about this race in the context of our preference for “cadre campaigns,” where we slowly and deliberately build our organization from the ground up by sending candidates into office who are drafted to represent DSA’s politics in office. I believe this is the best strategy for building our independent electoral apparatus, and laying the groundwork for a party – but it’s not the only strategy. In some ways, our relationship to Fran’s campaign might look more similar to the Bernie campaigns, where DSA reverse-engineered a socialist organization out of an electoral campaign. The comet’s going to pass whether we like it or not, and we know people are already watching it. We also know that the only thing that can win socialism is a mass working class organization, so we need to make sure that when people look around with new eyes, they find us and the movement we’re building. That means the question of whether this race will advance the class struggle can only be answered by our ability and willingness to rise to the occasion and build that movement.

    In my mind, the decision to get involved in any electoral campaign (or other organizing project) should come back to three simple questions (distilled by comrade Marianela D’Aprile):

    1. Does it make more socialists?
    2. Does it build the power and organization of the working class? 
    3. Does it build the power of DSA? 

    I believe that Fran and her campaign team want the answers to be yes, but I don’t think it’s entirely up to them– it’s up to us. There’s a very real chance that we get to live in a world where Fran runs as an extremely open socialist everywhere, endorses all of our downballot candidates, uses her platform to uplift DSA’s priorities, and encourages people to join DSA at campaign events. In that world, we are firing on all cylinders for most of 2026. We’re running her canvasses in Madison and across the state, including in districts where we don’t have enough of a footprint to run downballot candidates, and using them to recruit like crazy – since we’ll be the field leads, and hosting the after-canvass cookouts. We’ll be expanding our membership, expanding and deepening our coalition relationships, and building internal infrastructure – and potentially building toward a statewide DSA legislative campaign. Win or lose, a race like this can change the landscape of WI politics for the better, and build DSA’s capacity to take on state-level policy fights – and other struggles – in the future. Some of it will be on Fran, but a lot of it will come down to whether or not MADSA and our comrades around Wisconsin have the capacity to use this campaign to make more socialists, empower our class, and build our organization.  For the record, I want to be convinced, because I fear the gravitational pull of a statewide race will be too much to resist for the majority of the chapter. We might as well try to get the best endorsement situation we can.

    Below I’ve laid out my understanding of the state of the race, our relationship with Fran and her campaign, and the chapter’s strengths and weaknesses. Finally, I propose what an ideal campaign would look like, and what commitments it will take from Fran AND from MADSA to get us there. If we don’t feel like those commitments are possible, then we shouldn’t endorse. If they are, we may very well be foolish not to.

    Some context: as the co-chair of the chapter and active member of the Electoral Working Group, I have been privy to many conversations about and with Fran. I have also been involved in several DSA campaigns, including as a DSA rep to a campaign coalition team. There are definitely aspects to this campaign and our political terrain that I don’t have insight into, and I encourage other comrades to elaborate upon or argue with what I’ve laid out here. I do think this reflects the gist of the conversations about Fran’s campaign in EWG, and I hope this will be a useful framework for chapter members thinking about this huge decision in the coming weeks. Thank you to comrades Wesley, Justin, Adithya, Athnie, and others for your contributions!

    The Fran We’re Dealt

    In assessing this race, it’s helpful to understand MADSA’s current relationship with Fran. It is true that Fran is not a homegrown cadre, drafted by our organization to represent us in the Assembly as part of our political strategy. Despite this, we maintain a positive, but limited, relationship with her, and she behaves in office as we’d hope any socialist would – introducing legislation like the Economic Justice Bill of Rights, elevating the demands of organized labor and social movements, and taking the fight to the Democratic Party when necessary. To be frank, I think the reason we’re so distant is that for most of Fran’s time in office, MADSA hasn’t had the electoral or legislative capacity to build the relationship to the point where it would have been mutually beneficial.

    Some background: Fran was elected in 2020 at the top of a crowded field that included at least one other DSA member, Marsha Rummell. (MADSA did not endorse in that race, but did endorse Fran’s current chief of staff, Nada Elmikashfi, for State Senate District 26). After the election, Fran joined DSA. Fran was re-elected in 2022 and again in 2024, which is when MADSA endorsed her for the first time and about when she joined the WI Legislative Socialists Caucus. We didn’t get involved in the field for her 2024 State Assembly race, as she was a popular incumbent with no primary challenger. Instead, we endorsed on paper and threw our weight behind another race that needed more capacity, Maia Pearson’s unsuccessful challenge to incumbent Rep. Shelia Stubbs. I believe it was a mistake not to get more involved in Fran’s campaign, or at least bring her into greater communication with the chapter, as doing so would have given us more opportunities to deepen our working relationship. 

    Despite this, she was involved in MADSA’s 2024 priority campaign: Free School Meals for MMSD, and played a crucial role in connecting that local coalition to a state-level one. Occasionally, Fran has attended chapter and working group meetings and participated in DSA events, most notably the YDSA Organizing Fair shortly after the 2024 election, and the Hands Off Medicaid Town Hall earlier this year. We have reason to believe that she’d be willing to have a stronger relationship with us, if our chapter 1) had more capacity – and a strategy – for state-level legislative work and 2) had a formal communication channel with Fran and her office that could keep her in the loop on chapter priorities and facilitate her giving regular reports to MADSA membership. As a popular and highly-motivated activist Assemblywoman, Fran has a lot of political capital – much more than MADSA. She also has a lot of voices in her ear, and unfortunately, we haven’t been strong enough to earn a place amongst the loudest ones. 

    Unfortunately, the fact that she has political capital above and beyond MADSA’s means that her decision to run for governor is not an expression of DSA’s democratically-decided strategic priorities. I won’t lie – it’s not ideal that we’re getting involved so late and have so few cadre in the commanding heights of the campaign. As we know from her work in the legislature, Fran is a great fighter, but I think it’s safe to say that this is not a fight MADSA would have picked. If we’d been a factor in Fran’s decision to run for governor, we probably would have come out against it, both because of scale and because of the contradictions inherent to governing as a socialist executive under capitalism. There is a non-zero chance that Fran could win! That does feel like a bridge we’ll have to cross when we come to it, but we do owe it to ourselves to be serious about what that will entail, before the rubber hits the road. If we’re lucky, we can get some progressive stuff done with her as Governor, but there is a real tension implicit in having to govern, as we’re seeing with Zohran in NYC. We need to make sure having a socialist executive won’t backfire or fracture our movement, and see our role as creating the conditions in which a socialist executive can succeed.

    My belief is that the strength of any socialist elected depends on the strength of the movement that supports them, their ability to elevate movement demands, and how well they communicate back to the movement about the compromises they are forced to make – because there will be compromises. Even if Fran was the ideal cadre candidate in every conceivable way, there would be decisions she’s forced to make where there’s no good option. If we get involved in this race, we should get realistic about what we hope to achieve on the inside, and where she’ll need movement pressure from the outside – both to advance a popular mandate for socialist transitional demands, and to defend that mandate from the backlash of capitalists and their allies in the state and federal government. 

    Can MADSA Meet the Moment?

    While the weakness of the relationship with Fran is partially due to the weakness of our chapter in the past, our chapter is in a vastly different place than it was even a year ago. Our membership has nearly doubled since November 2024, and our active membership, though harder to quantify, feels like it’s quadrupled. Dozens of new members are pouring in every month, bringing new ideas, skills, energy, and enthusiasm. New members are taking on new responsibilities, building an increasingly comradely and democratic culture. 

    We have a chapter that is committed to the ultimate vision of building an independent socialist party, and an Electoral Working Group eager to expand our electoral machine. And in Madison, we can prioritize non-partisan campaigns on a local level, and focus on a vision of building up cadre candidates — leaders developed through our ranks. Our working group is committed to only recommending endorsements for campaigns where DSA will have a significant impact. That vision has driven some skepticism about Fran’s campaign, since it is 1) a Democratic Party primary in a high-stakes general election 2) not a cadre campaign and 3) would require a massive commitment from the chapter, potentially taking away from other cadre candidates. This skepticism has allowed us to take seriously the opportunities and challenges offered by this race, and given us time to build the relationships we need to make it work.

    It has also forced us to take stock of what we have to offer, which at this point in MADSA’s development, could be quite a lot. Thanks in part to our recent local program canvassing, we have at least a dozen people who could be field leads tomorrow, and another dozen who could be running shifts by the end of the month. We have countless more people who could canvass and take on other field volunteer roles, and many who can bottomline town halls, socials, and fundraiser events. This will take a tremendous amount of training and development work, but luckily, we have a strong and constantly improving Membership Engagement Team which is building an onboarding pipeline in conjunction with the Political Education Working Group. We have a good track record of comradely coalition work and connections throughout Madison, and have members with connections to smaller towns and cities across the state, who could help host events, train field teams, and even seed DSA chapters in parts of Wisconsin where we’re still punching below our weight.

    While we bring a lot to the table, some things are still in the oven. Our Electoral Working Group was chartered just a few months ago, and although it is doing great work and holding 20+ member meetings on a biweekly basis, the group has quickly borne the stress of increased attention on DSA. We went from having no endorsement procedure to handling endorsements at four different levels of government in mere weeks, and will need to keep learning and adapting to changing circumstances. As of this week, we’re now officially in the process of drafting a 2026 Political Platform to replace the outdated version from 2021, which will hopefully guide our organizing work for the next year and give some direction to our small but growing stable of policy people. We also have a desire to develop a coordinating structure to build on our Endorsed Candidate Expectations and support communication between our endorsed electeds and the chapter, but no concrete plans just yet.

    All of that information and organizing infrastructure is still getting built, but the foundation is there, and could grow much stronger if we get involved in Fran’s campaign at a high level and bring all of that experience back into the chapter. Both our program/policy work and nascent SIOC team can also help us build a stronger relationship with Milwaukee DSA and other WI DSA chapters, to the point where we could lead the adoption of a Wisconsin DSA Platform and build campaigns around shared statewide priorities. A statewide race is the perfect foundation for that kind of Wisconsin-wide coordination, and would help us build the organizing relationships we’ll need if and when Fran wins the election (and if she loses, too).

    The State of Play

    It’s been a long few months since Fran first announced her candidacy for Governor, and some of the chapter’s initial apprehension seems to have shifted. Fran has a new campaign manager who is a DSA member, and seems to be drawing a lot of her high-level team from Milwaukee DSA. Several MADSA members are also involved in their capacity as individuals. As a result, we’re seeing improvements in her messaging around “democratic socialism,” which now has pride of place on the front page of her website. There definitely could be a greater emphasis on DSA and recruitment to DSA in her campaign comms, but signs are promising that she’d be willing to work with us to shape her messaging. She has expressed to both Milwaukee and Madison DSA that she’s interested in getting us involved in field organizing in a big way, and sees us a key potential partner in her campaign.

    There are also some external forces that may be affecting some of the positive developments, and could continue to push this campaign more into “socialist tribune” territory. The race is almost comedically stacked with good-enough, labor-friendly, progressive-ish Wisconsin Democrats, and the entrance of Mandela Barnes – a classic “progressive except for Palestine” who’s running like he’ll run away with the primary despite his reputation as a loser – makes it even easier for Fran to distinguish herself as not just another progressive, but the true fighter for Palestine and the only unapologetic socialist. To really take advantage of that opening, Fran needs to run like she’s not afraid to lose – because the way the winds are blowing, that’s the only way to win. If she positions herself hard against the establishment and ready to take the battle to both the Republicans who want to flood our state with masked ICE agents and the Democratic Party establishment that doesn’t have any solution for that or just about anything else, she can win over broad swaths of working class Wisconsinites who are sick of business as usual.

    With these positive developments, it is looking more likely that the campaign will be ripe with opportunities for socialists in Madison and Wisconsin to build our capacities. Specifically, it opens up avenues to 

    1) coordinate and collaborate with other DSA chapters around Wisconsin

    2) recruit and develop leaders in communities where we don’t have a strong presence yet, through field work and through building coalition relationships with other organizations involved in the campaign 

    3) shore up our policy knowledge, deepen our working relationship with the WI Legislative Socialists, and help us develop our state-level electoral/legislative strategy

    4) build up our campaigning capacity for future electoral and other work

    5) and above all, to articulate a socialist politics and a vision for our state that speaks to the needs of working-class Wisconsinites.

    Playing Our Hand 

    Now that we know what cards we’re holding, we need a gameplan. It’s up to the chapter to iron out what our involvement in the campaign could look like, but I think it’s shaping up like this:

    • MADSA grinds to deliver Madison for Fran and builds a city-wide base for her key campaign demands, on the strength of issue-forward slate canvasses for Fran and our downballot candidates 
    • DSA chapters cohere a statewide DSA network to coordinate around the Fran campaign, and work toward an in-person WI DSA conference. That network will:
      • Go absolutely beast mode on field in towns and cities around the state
      • Train up DSA field leads where we have chapters, and send experienced organized to seed and mentor chapters where we don’t
      • ID campaign volunteers to recruit to DSA
      • Host & run town halls on the key issues, and use them to identity volunteers and local leaders & help sharpen our messaging 
    • WI DSA can think about what kinds of campaigns we can lead around issues where Fran’s platform overlaps with ours. If we have that vision in place well before the election, we can bring leaders we meet and develop through the campaign into that work long-term, whether as DSA members or coalition partners.

    I’ve said that the ball is mostly in MADSA’s court, but there are definitely some things we need from Fran and her team to make this possible. At a basic level, that looks like her promoting DSA somewhat regularly, and getting some MADSA people getting involved at a high level in the campaign (especially in field but also in comms, fundraising, etc.). We also need her to commit to endorsements for our down-ballot races, so we can campaign for them as a slate and do joint canvasses in Madison and Milwaukee. Finally, it would be great if we could get Fran to do a little political education work with us while on the trail and in office. Hopefully we can come to a shared understanding of what DSA needs and wants from this campaign, and get everyone, including Fran, bought into the idea that DSA can and will throw down if we think we’re building socialism, but will also work very hard to keep the class struggle on track.

    Can we Make Better Possible?

    I’ve laid out what I think MADSA’s involvement in this race should look like in an ideal world, and what we need from Fran to make it possible. Now I want to lay out concretely what I think we need to put into this race in order to get out what we need from it. 

    First, we need to make sure our heads are in the game. We need the whole chapter locked in on being serious, curious, adaptable, and comradely, and thoroughly committed to constructive communication and organizational democracy. Getting involved in a high-profile race like this means a lot of people are going to be circling us, joining, and wanting a piece of what we have to offer. We need to keep our eyes on the prize (socialism!) and make sure that we’re not falling for any opportunistic pitfalls. This will take rigorous planning and creative problem-solving. Internally, we’ll need to set up a democratic structure that can hold the relationship with Fran and the campaign, but not too close to the chest. There should be opportunities for rank and file MADSA members to get involved in the campaign coordinating structure we develop. This will make this project successful, and can help us lay the groundwork for more democratic, accountable relationships with our member-electeds in the future.

    Secondly, we need to be ready to grind. This campaign only works if we are all in, and have a large proportion of the chapter ready to do the work – not just canvassing, but learning how to lead canvasses and phonebanks, cut turf, run events, fundraise, and do campaign comms. Having people learn those skills will build up our chapter’s capacity for future fights, but will also take countless hours of chapter member time away from other things we could be doing. If our members, and especially our electorally-inclined members and leaders, are not excited to do that work, they should say so, so we don’t overpromise and underdeliver. We’ll also need to be everywhere all the time, and be representing DSA in a positive way in coalition spaces, at canvass kickoffs, at campaign socials, and at the doors – and then, we’ll need to be identifying potential recruits like crazy and making sure our follow-up game is on point. This campaign gives us a great opportunity to talk to people in Madison and around the state who haven’t heard of DSA, and may be outside of our usual recruitment circles, and we should make sure we’re bringing them into a healthy and welcoming chapter with lots of ways to get plugged in. On top of the campaign work, we’ll need a summer of socials, trainings, and political education. 

    We also need to invest in our relationship with Milwaukee DSA and other WI chapters, and make sure we’re building member-to-member social ties and space for political discussion and creative collaboration, not just top-down coordinating bodies. A centralizing priority with such high stakes will be a great opportunity to do any repair work that needs to be done, and to start to articulate what a statewide DSA Program could look like. 

    Finally, we need to get aligned internally – or at least start the conversation – about what we want to see from Fran’s administration, and who we’d like to see in it. We need a sense of what we think we can accomplish with a woman on the inside, and what issues we expect to have to push her on from the outside.

    That’s a lot to think about, but luckily, we have some time. As of today, Fran is still in the petitioning process, and will have a questionnaire, an interview, and another candidate forum for her to tell us what she thinks. At the same time, we need to be talking amongst ourselves about what we think we can realistically deliver, how much we’re willing to sacrifice to do it, and whether we think it’s worth it in order to make more socialists, grow DSA, and build the power of the working class to defeat capitalism and win social, economic, and political democracy for all. I believe in our chapter’s democracy and our ability to make a strong, empowered, democratic decision about this endorsement, and I look forward to continued discussions about this over the weeks and months to come.

  • Democracy: On meetings and voting

    by Dan F

    There have been some differences of opinion in MADSA about decision making, meetings, and in general how we organize over the past few years. And contention has often arisen around bylaw changes. Here are some of my migraine-addled opinions on why this is happening.

    Two examples of contention

    First, in the 2025 convention there was a bylaw change proposed to make working groups accountable to a SMART goal-based structure. In the introduction, the intent was written as about “democracy, accountability, and transparency”, and about improving communication between working groups and the general membership. However, as written, the amendment would have invalidated the proposed charters of both of the active working groups, thus dissolving them until rewritten to include SMART goals.

    That was a substantive change that, in practice, was about more than communication and transparency. Is “abolition of police and prisons” a “particular goal or goals”? How do we measure it? This change applied a certain way of thinking to working groups, implying they could only be limited-term engagements… and the implication ended up feeling like an attack or attempted critique to some folks active in those working groups, by shutting down their charters. It was unclear to AWG members how exactly SMART-based goals would fit into abolitionist organizing, which works on short and long horizons. [It doesn’t help that bringing bylaw changes to a convention that also passes charters based on the bylaws we just changed is confusing at best.]

    Even though it likely wasn’t written with this intent (going by the introductory paragraphs), this amendment felt like an attempt to try to force some organizers to organize in a different fashion. This bylaw amendment did not pass. I think something quite similar could easily pass next year, and it’s definitely an open question of how to better link working groups with the wider body and each other, to avoid siloing. [Aside: I like the idea of sociocracy’s circles approach, where in large enough groups, for a connection between groups A and B there are two liasons: one that represents A to B and one that goes B to A.]

    A second recent example of disagreement was the proposal to remove an asynchronous voting requirement on decisions about endorsements, and also when dissolving our Community Accountability Committee. That change was intended to make it possible (but not required) for those decisions to happen synchronously, in meetings.

    This opened a divide, with a few heated and wide-ranging threads in Slack in advance. I’m arguing that the reason this went that way is that it felt like a coercive change to some people in the chapter, especially those who want to include all members in decisions, or those who can’t attend meetings all the time. I wonder what the chapter discussion around this would have looked like had the initial frame been more focused on “we don’t need to require these votes, we can still vote to take things asynchronously if we find that important”, but it became clear that the real discussion was about what the default mode should be. There was clearly a wide divide between people who wanted asynchronous votes and those who did not.

    So from these examples, it seems that our orientation to coercion and our personal take on meetings (as effective organizing and decision arenas) may be at the root of some of our disagreements. And writing this is my attempt to dive down into why that is, and why we should care about these differences if we want to build and maintain a “big tent” organization working toward liberation.

    I also want to make it clear that everything here is my personal take after talking with folks from various persuasions. I encourage people to write a different perspective. And I especially encourage that if any of this raises your hackles.

    Coercion

    Let me back up a step. What do I mean when I talk about coercion?

    Generally, when Marxists or anarchists analyze the modern state, we say that the state hierarchy has a monopoly on violence. That’s the purest form of coercion. But coercion can pop up anywhere there’s an asymmetry of power. Anarchists worry about this a lot.

    We should aim for the absence of coercion, where nobody feels they are doing something because of pressure from a “higher power” of any kind. But the dynamics of coercion do get strange in large groups. As the author of the voting change above noted, if the “paper members” of our chapter vote strongly yes on something that the hardcore meeting-attenders vote strongly no on, is that a kind of group coercion?

    I think we’re actually in a place where people on all sides of that decision were thinking a bit through the frame of coercion, but thinking about it differently because of their (obviously) different experiences trying to organize.

    You’re organizing wrong

    Now here’s where this gets tricky. I’m going to advocate for more pluralistic methods of organizing, and against a Single Path To Perfect Organizing. In a way, this is kind of parallel to the “paradox of tolerance” argument.

    I say that anyone who thinks they know the One True Way To Organize is wrong, and anyone who tries stuff and makes good things happen in the world, no matter how they do it, is correct. But it’s going to sound like I am saying “You’re organizing wrong!” and “Never tell someone they’re organizing wrong!” at the same time.

    How do we solve the paradox of tolerance? In social spaces, we’re tolerant of any way anyone wants to be, except anyone who tries to draw a hard line around what can and cannot be tolerated. [Intolerance.]

    How do we solve the paradox of how to organize? In organizing spaces, we organize any way that gets things done, except any way that tries to draw a hard line around how we do and do not organize. [Disorganization?]

    The end goal of both of these solutions is to have the most people left in the plural, and only leave bad actors on the outside. Bad actors who we can hopefully convince that our pluralism is actually great, and they should come in! The water’s fine! Stop trying to draw artificial lines on parts of the ocean, right?

    There are certainly harmful patterns we need to learn to avoid. But we also need to remember that this is always going to be volunteers opting in to making the world better, and not everybody is going to want to squeeze into the same box.

    What is the goal?

    So let’s get down in it. What are we trying to build as we organize?

    My take? We’re trying to build test labs of liberation and democracy that solve societal issues. Some of those issues are thanks to capitalism, but others are likely inherent to human societies of any persuasion. [See this Wesley Morgan piece on building dual power if you want to delve into the anarchist thought here.] We need to show people that cooperative organizations full of self-managed individuals can, and do, build a better world.

    “Democracy” is one of those words that gets tossed around, assuming we all agree at what we’re pointing at when we organize. But this concept is tricky. It implies that everyone has an equal say. But it can get used to refer to actually functioning cooperative or direct democracy, all the way over the spectrum to the supposedly “representative democracy” that we currently live inside in our Ye Olde Racist Crumbling Empire, which quite clearly does not give the dēmos any actual krátos.

    So for now, let’s define democracy in a kind of Erik Olin Wright-ish way, as the maximally effective sharing of power so that everyone has the highest likelihood of being involved in decisions that impact them.

    Meetings, meetings, meetings

    The trope about socialists is that they love meetings. Many of us assume that meetings are a way to maximize democracy. But that assumption can fail, based on group size, style, goals, or composition. We can all watch this happen, as groups grow and shrink and change. Requiring that decisions happen in synchronous meetings can certainly have advantages, but for questions that impact the whole body of the chapter, what is the best path?

    I believe we need to try many methods to make decisions. And try some new ways. Not everybody can take the time to sit in every meeting. And this insight needs to be woven through all organizing that pushes for liberation: DSA’s cultural focus on meetings may have something to do with why we aren’t reaching the working class with our socialist methods. It doesn’t make sense to have everyone in every meeting all the time. And also, it’s getting to the point where getting everyone in a single room is expensive and difficult.

    So how can we still effectively share power? Personally, as someone who looks through an anarchist lens, I believe that the fundamental problem we need to solve in the world is minimizing coercion. And if you think about it, minimal coercion looks a lot like maximal power sharing, right?

    The problems ensue when we get stuck in certain ways of thinking about power sharing. And I think synchronous meetings are often effective at sharing power, but they are certainly not the only way.

    Coercion and hierarchy

    I’m pretty allergic to hierarchy. Ironic that I say this while sitting on MADSA’s executive committee this year, right? Maybe I should rephrase. I’m allergic to coercive hierarchies. I get concerned about power, because most of the capitalist systems, and even some of the liberatory systems humans have tried to build to counter existing power (cough, unions) have crystallized into power hierarchies which do the exact fucking opposite of reducing coercion. And where we don’t have formal hierarchies, informal power hierarchies form, which are worse in some ways. (Less visible, and so on. That’s a whole separate thing.)

    So what I’m driving at (as I steer the car of this screed off the cliff of a bad metaphor) is that not everybody has the same opinions about how decisions should be made. Even if we limit ourselves to thinking about voting, as a possible solution for Maximum Power Sharing? Even then, no voting system can be perfect. It’s been mathematically proven.

    And there are people in the world who are allergic to meetings, allergic to Robert’s Rules, and fundamentally allergic to coercion. I actually believe most humans are allergic to coercion, but some of us have immune systems that really kick off, and some of us interpret the symptoms as just the way the world is.

    We’re never going to organize the better world we want, if we do it exclusively in ways that drive some of the plural away. Or if we organize in ways that turn us all [the working classes, the non-billionaires] into “us” and “them”. We need to organize in ways where we can actually imagine billions of people maximizing power sharing and minimizing coercion.

    We should allow for different styles of stumbling towards better democracy. Different mistakes.

    Meetings are a good way to get people on the same page. But they are not the only way.

    Voting is a good way to distribute power. But it is not the only way.

    On voting

    So let’s revisit the arguments bubbling underneath the recent bylaw amendment which aimed to remove the requirement for asynchronous online voting. Proponents of this change were acting in good faith to trim what they saw as extraneous, and bring more people to meetings, which they see as the highest decision-making body. But this caused quite a bit of friction.

    Hopefully, you might be able to see the shadowy shape behind why people pulled strongly against this change. I believe it felt exclusionary to them. It triggered some kind of immune responses, you might say.

    In the discussion on Slack before that vote, people talked about “paper members”, saying “I think disenfranchising 3-5 engaged second shift workers is a reasonable sacrifice to prevent 10-50 paper members who got told to vote a certain way by their friend from distorting our democratic process.” Is this an actual problem we think we have? If so, then I think our existing meetings are not solving it! The root of the issue is, in the fight toward true liberation, there are always going to be “paper members” of groups. Overlapping circles of people with different goals. Do we want to further exclude them? Tough calls all around, and neither option is perfect.

    There are always going to be times when we can’t make meetings, even if we do want to. (I say this with a full throat: fuck migraines. But sometimes, missing a socialist meeting because my head is exploding feels like a boon.) We need to figure out how to maximally include everyone in decision making, not force them to attend meetings because we assume that’s best.

    I don’t believe that a cadre-based system where a vanguard of “true believers” makes all the calls will ever end with actual socialism or real democracy. And I don’t think we’re ever going to build functioning socialism if our method of decision making is always meetings.

    I also think that some of the time, we make a big deal out of voting for things that really come down in the end to volunteer capacity and what our members have the drive to actually organize. Chapter endorsements or any other organizing target are never going to get members, paper or otherwise, out of the house to Do Stuff unless they’re excited about it.

    So voting ain’t perfect. We need to try out many methods. They all have benefits and failings. Proxy voting is likely going to be discussed at our December meeting; I’m excited to discuss that! But we need to consider using our groups (working groups, committees, whatever you call them) as intentional labs for more methods.

    We should be trying different types of voting, not just winner-take-all. Votes could tell us where membership is on a spectrum, and that spread could fuel different group choices, rather than a simple up-down binary.

    We could try out different consensus and consent models. I’m a fan of consent decision making, which gets people to actively think about their range of tolerance. I’m not sure it would work for large general membership meetings, but I think some of that mode of thinking might reduce some of the unneeded contention in our decision making; it might be a way to get us closer, faster, to the real objections we need to resolve. Because I do think there is something important and worth talking about in both of the amendments I used as examples here.

    Using the wacky digital tools we have, could we build some kind of decision making method that integrates with our asynchronous communication [currently mostly happening on Slack] and allows for a more fluid democracy?

    Conclusion

    No system is perfect. But what can we imagine?

    How can we brace the big tent large enough that we can all fight for liberation, together? Without dark patterns sneaking in from capitalism, patriarchy, and other bigotries that hoard power?

    How can we build decision-making systems that don’t alienate people who dislike long meetings? What does the world look like, once we’ve made some real progress on improving our methods?

    I’m not sure, but I’m hoping we can have some conversations about the various ways we can communicate effectively and spread power around all the people. Proxy voting is just one step in the experiment. What else can YOU think of? What can we try?

  • Monthly Round-Up – November 2025

    By a Comrade

    This article is written by a DSA member and does not formally represent the views of MADSA as a whole or its subgroups. 

    Welcome to Vol. 4 of the monthly round-up! The content in this publication overlaps significantly with our DSA newsletter and monthly General Membership Meetings. To sign up for the newsletter or check out an upcoming General Membership Meeting, visit: https://madison-dsa.org/events/

    Behind-the-Scenes in a Growing Org

    Over the past year, the DSA has had a huge boom in membership nationally, a surge in membership here in Madison, and an increase in name recognition after Zohran Mamdani’s recent high-profile win in NYC (as well as other wins across the nation!). MADSA saw several new work groups form throughout 2025, as well as new projects, book clubs, potential candidate endorsements, and events for members and the community at large. These efforts all remain underway!

    As MADSA has scaled up, we’ve also contended with more mundane operational questions– How do we handle marketing and social media posts, now that there are so many more events? How are we feeling about our electoral endorsement process when it’s for re-elections? How can we keep developing comradeship among members? What is a good venue for our monthly meeting?!

    Here is a small behind-the-scenes look at some changes as we expand:

    • The Communication Committee (Comms) is working on appointing “liaisons” within each working group and project, so that Comms can stay better oriented to the chapter’s marketing/posting needs;
    • Comms and Executive Committee are also working on increasing direct posting access for various Working Groups so that they are not solely reliant on Comms for posting information about events and actions;
    • The Electoral Working Group has been exploring endorsement for several candidates running in state and local races, as well as discussing and reviewing the endorsement processes themselves;
    • Various members continue their efforts to revitalize Red Madison for internal and public readership – this has included identifying people who are open to contributing, as well as making calls for submissions at our general meetings;
    • The chapter will be publishing a resource to prepare for the 2026 Chapter Convention, where members will continue shaping the direction of MADSA;
    • The chapter has been experimenting with a few different venue options for GMMs to accommodate our new numbers and the geographical distribution of our membership.

    It is our hope that these changes will support the continued growth of the chapter, both in scope and in activity levels. 

    Social Events

    Our chapter had two reading groups wrap up in November:

    • Skyscraper Jails, discussed in the Abolitionist Working Group meetings;
    • Wretched of the Earth, discussed on Sundays, in a hybrid virtual/in-person format.

    We continue hosting recurring social events – New Member Orientations, Coffee with Comrades, Crafting with Comrades, MADSA Run Club, and the Rosebuddies program. 

    As the year comes to an end, we’ll be reaching out to members and asking about their experiences in MADSA this year, and their socialist resolutions for 2026. We’re also planning a New Year’s party on New Year’s Eve, details forthcoming!

    Protest Song of the Month

    For a November protest song, I’d like to highlight an artist from an indigenous background and ties to the Midwest – John Trudell. John was a Santee poet, musician, actor, speaker, veteran, and activist, at one point chairing the American Indian Movement (AIM). Here is the Listening / Honor Song, a spoken word piece over traditional music. The lyrics can be found here

    And that concludes our monthly round-up!